economy of the region and crippled the purchasing capacity of the people in general and of the tribe. It also needs to be pointed out that the urban oriented Naxalite leaders followed the same Roman essay on various uses of newspaper in english laws introduced by the British in the land revenue system. Naturally the movement could not sustain genuine mass participation by the tribals with a sense of solidarity. The tea garden works around Darjeeling region participated in strikes supprting the peasant committees. (Mukherjee: 1978, Duyker: 1987, Bonner: 1990) It is not known to a majority of the scholars and the laity that the demographic composition of Naxalbari and the involvement of Santals and other tribes they mention, are in reality mostly migrants from Chotanagpur who arrived. The Rajbansi adhiars used to have free access to the precincts of the Giri household. Mukherjee (1987) states that prior to the emergence of the Britsh, the Rajbansis used to have a single egalitarian structure. Some movements for the welfare of peasants were organised on Gandhian principles. The original owners of these lands were usually the Rajbansi jotedars landlords. The leaders instead stuck to the 1953 West Bengal Land Acquisition Act leading to fragmentation of the lands owned by the Rajbansis. (1978 Naxalbari Movement and the Peasant Revolt in North Bengal.S.A.
These were the adhiars. As a cash crop, tea determined the price level of essential goods in the local market.
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(c ) These capitalists neither thought of nor encouraged an alternative base of economic growth for the agrarian and toiling people of North Bengal. Most studies covering the movement and the region indict the Rajbansi landlords who exploited their adhiars or the sharecroppers. Expelled communists later on organised themselves into one organisation ( aicccr ) further developing into the CPI(ML). When the United Front government with CPI participation came into power in West Bengal in February 1967, some active and vocal groups emerged. Land 3,25,469 1,47,986 1,24,574 52,909 7,79,576.19. The intrusion of the market had a disastrous effect and many erstwhile jotedars were reduced to the status of marginal peasants in bondage. The Krishak Sabha did not contemplate bringing about structural change in the feudal systemit was merely trying to get better share of produce for the marginalised peasant a better share of the produce, and where he was being denied a share of the surplus land. (1990 Averting the Apocalypse, Duke University Press. The strategy was the elimination of the feudal order in the countryside to free the poor from clutches of the oppressive landlords and replace the old order with an alternative one that would implement land reforms. First of all, it needs to be questioned what was the background of the peasants who got mainly involved into fights with the landlords and who were the peasant leaders? (Internet: Asia Mass Media links). Ramchandra Guha similarly brands the Khasas of Garhwal as peasants (1989).
Peasants enjoy much lesser rights compared to the other categories. (2006 The Kamtapur Movement: Towards a Separate State in North Bengal.C. Following this violent clashes occurred when the peasant committees seized land, foodgrains and arms from the landlord gentries. (Sarkar: 2006: 154) Partho Mukherjee (1978, 1987) writes that at the time of Naxalbari movement there were 32 tea gardens in the three adjoining police stations, Naxalbari, Phansidewa and Khoribari, covering 274. Jangal Santal too was a migrant tribal leader. (nd Low Intensity Conflicts in India, United Service Institute of India. Mukherjee (t.) states that there was a very high percentage of share-croppers in the region. (Bonner: 1990) The planters are much bigger landlords than the petty Rajbansi jotedars.